Conservatives Reframe the Conversation
In Part 1 , I expressed the opinion that the primary fault-line in today’s politics lies in the competition between the corporate establishment and the Federal government. I do not mean to minimize the Religious Right’s aggressive agenda or the libertarians’ historic alienation from government. However, I believe that in politics when you say “primary fault line” you have to look for the biggest power source. That is unquestionably US corporations.
US companies held sway over the late 19th Century and despite Theodore Roosevelt’s trustbusting, managed to maintain their hegemony even after the onset of the Great Depression. With the defeat of Herbert Hoover in 1932 by Franklin Roosevelt, US companies and the conservative, laissez-faire attitude of the US Government were overwhelmed by the New Deal. Liberalism was the pre-eminent political philosophy for the next fifty years. Even Republican politicians began to embrace the New Deal and found it politically unwise to suggest undoing it.
Barry Goldwater was the first presidential candidate to campaign on a platform of trying to unravel the New Deal and its liberal legacy. But his 1964 bid failed for that and other reasons. The magnitude of his defeat appeared to ensure a continuation of the liberal dynasty for the foreseeable future.
In the trenches of Goldwater’s presidential campaign, however, were scores of energized, committed foot soldiers who were seriously determined to promote the conservative philosophy. There was a rudimentary infrastructure already in place including William Buckley’s National Review, a variety of efforts funded by H.L. Hunt’s money, the John Birch Society, and the American Enterprise Institute.
The importance of Goldwater’s defeat in 1964 is that supporters from all corners of the conservative movement rolled up their sleeves and began the long task of building a Movement that could win elections. They were soon attracting attention from Big Money. Richard Mellon Scaife, David and Charles Koch, Joseph Coors and other wealthy donors began funneling funds into conservative think tanks that were springing up including the Cato Institute, the Heritage Foundation and the Independence Institute. Add to these, the Business Roundtable and the US Chamber of Commerce plus other corporate groups and you have very fertile soil to nurse a movement toward full maturity.
With the think tanks doing the intellectual and academic heavy lifting, the trade and corporate associations pumping in the cash and the Republican Party developing grassroots organizations, the conservative movement became a lean, mean machine.
Richard Nixon resigned the presidency and was succeeded by Gerald Ford who was unable to overcome the reaction to his pardoning Nixon and was defeated by Jimmy Carter. So now the Republicans were faced with a conservative southern Democrat. But Carter’s presidency was fraught with missteps and bad luck and as the 1980 election approached, the Republicans selected former California Governor Ronald Reagan to be their candidate.
I am no Reagan fan, but it is impossible to understate the important role he played in making conservatism again a powerful force in American politics. In fact, history may show that Reagan launched a new Conservative era in American politics.
The hard work and the relentless cultivation of ideas, candidates and voters all came together during the Reagan presidency. He selected his appointees from a vast network of conservative believers. The think tanks were endlessly supplying talking points and rationales for legislation and for opposing legislation.
During Reagan’s presidency, the entire focus of American politics was reframed. Preserving the New Deal, while still popular with a huge segment of the population, was now on the table. The Republicans knew they had to tread cautiously, but they also knew that Reagan’s rapport with the electorate gave them cover when they wanted to rewrite popular and sacrosanct legislation.
One of the most effective ways of cutting unwanted regulations was to appoint “friendlies” to oversight departments who simply failed to enforce the regulations. Even if there was an outcry, they would just brazen it out. The Reagan administration discovered an important tool in the short attention span and the short memory of the American electorate.
Next post: Guns and God Join the Party
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